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INAUGURAL SOUVENIR 

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1905 

Press of W. F. @oberts Company 

Washington. D. C. 




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THEODORE ROOSEVELT 

1857-1905 




OME men habitually follow precedents; 
some make them. In the latter class 
belongs the man we install to-day in 
the proudest office in the world. 
Of those Vice-Presidents of the United States 
who have been called to higher responsibilities in 
mid-term, he is the first whose party has made him 
its next candidate for President. He is the first, 
also, whose candidature at any time has been 
crowned with victory. His nomination was 
unanimous, and his election sealed by the largest 
popular vote ever cast. And to a man of his moral 
mould, the glory of this sweeping approval lies not 
in the fact that, like Washington and Jefferson, 
Jackson and Lincoln, Grant and Cleveland and 
McKinley, he is called to administer the Presidency 



for another four years, but in the sense that so 
many of the countrymen he loves have deemed 
him worthy of it. 

To him whom eighty million freemen have 
chosen for the honor of their most exalted service, 
to-day's tribute comes from the majority with the 
acclaim of triumph, from the minority with the 
grace of a patriotic impulse. The gathering at 
the Capital of the Nation is composed of more 
varied elements than ever met to celebrate a 
monarch's coronation. In the great parade which 
escorts our Chief Magistrate from the legislative to 
the executive end of the city are represented every 
social class and condition, every political party 
and faction, every religious creeds every race and 
color sheltered under the flag of liberty. Such a 
group aptly corresponds to the multitude of diverse 
interests centered in the personality of one whom 
we have known, in his quarter-century of public 
activity, as lawmaker and administrator, frontiers- 
man and scholar, soldier and citizen, busy worker 
in many callings and helpful friend of all. 

At a casual glance it seems as if an unbridgable 
gulf lay between the strenuous and the simple life, 
and that there could be no sincere advocacy of the 
one by an apostle of the other. But this man's 
philosophy is broad enough to comprehend both. 



In its view, he who leads the simple life is content 
to be what nature made him, instead of what 
others think he ought to be; to use the common 
instruments he fmds next his hand, instead of 
wasting time and opportunity in a vain struggle to 
get better ones ; to do the plain duty of the hour, 
and leave the remoter consequences to take care 
of themselves. The strenuous life supplements 
the simple. One takes up the daily task with the 
tools that lie nearest ; the other puts it through 
with a force which makes obstacles contemptible. 
These ideas are as old as written history. 
The Patriarchs were the world's first exemplars of 
the simple life, and the inspired Preacher has 
reduced to one maxim the principle of the strenuous 
life: "Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it 
with thy might." In the combination of such 
method and such effort is summed up the whole 
career of Theodore Roosevelt, who is inaugurated 
in form as President of the United States, but 
greeted in spirit as the Typical American. 

FRANCIS E. LEUPP. 



CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS 

VICE-PRESIDENT 




HARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS, of 
Indianapolis, was born on a farm near 
Unionville Center, Union County, 
Ohio, May ii, 1852; was educated in 
the common schools of the neighborhood and at 
the Ohio Wesleyan University, Delaware, Ohio, 
graduating from that institution in 1872 in the 
classical course; was admitted to the bar by the 
Supreme Cojurt of Ohio in 1874; removed to 
Indianapolis in the same year, where he has since 
practiced his profession; never held public office 
prior to his election to the Senate; was elected a 
trustee of the Ohio Wesleyan University in 1885; 
was Chairman of the Indiana Republican State 
Conventions in 1892 and 1898; was unanimously 



chosen as the nominee of the Republican caucus 
for United States Senator in the Indiana Legislature 
in January, 1893, and subsequently received his 
entire party vote in the Legislature, but was 
defeated by David Turpie, Democrat; was a 
delegate at large to the Republican National Con- 
vention at St. Louis in 1896, and was temporary 
chairman of the convention; was a delegate at 
large to the Republican National Convention at 
Philadelphia in 1900, and as Chairman of the 
Committee on Resolutions reported the platform: 
was appointed a member of the United States and 
British Joint High Commission which met in 
Quebec in 1898, for the adjustment of Canadian 
questions, and was Chairman of the United States 
High Commissioners; was elected to the United 
States Senate January 20, 1897, to succeed Daniel 
W. Voorhees, Democrat, and took his seat March 4, 
1897; was re-elected in 1903; was unanimously 
nominated for Vice-President of the United States 
by the Republican National Convention of 1904, 
and elected. 



THE INAUGURATION OF THE 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 




HE Inauguration of the President of the 
United States, as simple in form as it 
appears to be, is to the thinking man 
one of the most august ceremonies 
that can take place on the globe. Unlike the 
coronation of a monarch, attended with the pomp 
and parade designed to distinguish and set him 
apart from the people and impress them with a 
sense of his supremacy, it is the simple induction 
into the office of the Chief Magistrate of a great 
nation of freemen of the man whom they have 
chosen to preside over them. 

English statesmen have said that the presi- 
dential election is the most impressive thing to be 
seen in America. The Inauguration of the Presi- 
dent, thus elected by the free ballots of the people, 
is the consummation of that impressive act. Every 
four years for more than a century this ceremony 



has recurred, crowning not more the expressed 
will of the victorious majority than the peaceable 
and loyal acquiescence of the defeated minority. 
While at the preceding election the several political 
parties, who have fought a campaign of strenuous 
and sometimes bitter antagonism, meet in the final 
contest to cast their ballots, no sooner is their will 
recorded than the minority yields quietly to the 
choice of the majority, and when, a few months 
later, on the 4th of March, the men chosen by the 
majority are installed in office by the simple 
ceremony of taking a solemn oath to uphold the 
Constitution of the United States, not only do the 
minority acquiesce in the choice, but they accept 
that choice as their own and do their part, as far 
as may be, to render the new administration a 
success and a blessing to the whole people Thus, 
from this moment the Chief Magistrate becomes 
President of the whole people and governs the 
whole people. From this moment every State 
and every individual citizen is represented by 
him. 

No ruler on earth is so great or so powerful as 
the President thus inaugurated; because behind 
him stand a united and free people. No armies 
are needed to do more than the necessary policing 
of the Nation; no navies to do more than render 



safe those paths through which our activities lead. 
For among the peaceful millions who fill the 
avenues of commerce exists the greatest army that 
the world can know— the whole body of a free 
people armed with the mighty spirit of free institu- 
tions. The power of the President lies in the 
recognition that he is the representative of the 
people of every party and every class. 

No great pomp, no vast display of armed 
hosts, attend the ceremonial to impress the 
imagination with flaunting emblems of a counter- 
feit glory. The President rides to the Capitol 
accompanied, if he be entering on his office for the 
first time, by the President whose term is expir- 
ing, preceded by a few police officers to prevent 
inconvenience, and attended by a small body of 
troops in the regular service and another body 
from the volunteer soldiery, not to guard him, but 
to keep order— least of all, to impress the people 
with the emblems of power; merely to testify the 
respect in which the Chief Magistrate of the 
Nation is held. Arrived at the Capitol, in the sight 
of all the people, he solemnly takes the simple oath 
to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
the United States and reads an inaugural address 
in which he states the views he has matured on 
matters important to the welfare of the people, 



and declares his intention to administer his office 
in accordance with his oath. 

In all the long line of Presidents not one has 
violated this oath. That there have been short- 
comings on the part of some of the incumbents 
of the office, no one may deny. Human nature 
is frail at best, and the wisest men are not always 
wise. That there has been wide diversity of views 
on their part as to the interpretation to be placed 
on some of the provisions of the organic law, 
may be admitted. But no conscious, intentional 
violation of the law has ever been rightly charged 
against any one who ever held that high office. 
The President is as amenable to the law as the 
meanest citizen. The spirit of America is freedom 
and in this spirit lies his strength. 

The significance of this great ceremony is 
founded in this spirit of governing according to 
the laws of a free country, and that spirit is today 
not merely the animating life of the American 
people, but the hope of all the Nations of the 
earth. Like Christianity its benignant blessings 
reach even those who fail to recognize its teach- 
ings. As the Gulf Stream tempers the atmos- 
phere of every coast it approaches; so this Great 
Republic, ''conceived in liberty and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal," 



ameliorates conditions in the most despotic 
government where its spirit is known. 

Into the office of Chief Magistrate of the 
United States is being inaugurated this 4th of 
March, 1905, a man who has been called to it 
by an almost unexampled majority of the people. 
No President in our time has come into the office 
better equipped for its great duties or with higher 
ideals. In character and in training he has had 
no superior. Representative of all parts of the 
country, he knows that the one greatest thing on 
earth is faithfully to execute the office of President 
and to preserve, protect and defend the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 

THOMAS NELSON PAGE. 




EORGE WASHINGTON was the founder 
of the National Capital, and planned the 
city which was inevitably given his 
name. This was his last task, and 
none, except the winning of the Revolution and 
the making of the Constitution, seemed more 
important to him. Thomas Jefferson and Alex- 
ander Hamilton made the agreement by which 
the south got the Federal district in exchange for 
the assumption by the nation of the state revolu- 
tionary debts, the desire of the north. But 
Washington's far-seeing mind had first suggested 
the site upon the Potomac after the Constitution 
makers had been convinced, under the remem- 
brance of the attack of the ill-requited revolu- 
tionary soldiers on Congress in Philadelphia in 
1783, that the new government should have its 
own independent capital, a lesson emphasized by 
the sad experiences of national governments in 
Paris, London and other capitals. Thomas 



Jefferson gave the benefit of his observations in 
Paris, and L'Enfant and Endicott gave expert 
assistance, while much thought and effort were 
contributed by the distinguished Commissioners 
of the Federal District, but it was George 
Washington who first selected the place and then 
planned the District of Columbia and the City of 
Washington, on a scale commensurate with his 
foreview of the coming growth of the United 
States. The ''magnificent distances," the wide 
avenues and many park spaces, which provoked 
derision rather than admiration long after 
Washington had departed, illustrated his expecta- 
tions of the future greatness of his country, then 
so young, so small, so poor. Washington, the 
first great expansionist, looked across the conti- 
nent and through the centuries, and planned 
accordingly, while lesser men were wondering 
whether the new government would live, and 
how long the thin line of young states along the 
Atlantic border would last. It was most fortunate 
that the general direction of the preparations for 
the National Capital was left to Washington, and 
practically without limitation. The new govern- 
ment had no money to give him for this purpose, 
but Washington had learned, in the Revolutionary 
war, how to accomplish great results without 



money. Washington personally begged from the 
nineteen original proprietors of the soil of the 
future Federal City more than half of their hold- 
ings, which they conveyed to the United States 
without receiving even the nominal dollar of return. 
It was with the money obtained from the sale of 
some of this land, supplemented by loans from 
Virginia and Maryland, the mother states which 
had ceded the sovereignty of the one hundred 
square miles of the Federal District, that the 
President's house, the Congress house and the 
other buildings for the national government were 
made ready before, under President John Adams 
in 1800, its offices were removed from Philadel- 
phia to Washington. 

If Washington had lived the development of 
the National Capital on a proper scale would prob- 
ably have been begun by the national government 
as soon as its increasing income justified the 
expenditure. Thomas Jefterson, the first President 
to be inaugurated in Washington, sympathized 
with all the founder's purposes for the National 
Capital, and the influence of the two men would 
have made it from the beginning what it ought to 
have been — the special care of the whole people. 
It would have been possible to adopt then the 
plan, long afterwards advocated by Senator Hoar, 



to have the local tax payers contribute reasonable 
taxes, and the national government bear all the 
rest of the expense of the making and maintenance 
of the National Capital, whether one-half or two- 
thirds, or whatever might be necessary. But 
George Washington died the year before the seat 
of the national government was removed to 
the District of Columbia, and Jefferson, though 
showing his interest in many ways, would not, in 
truth could not, do what Washington might have 
done. And so, for seventy-eight years the national 
government allowed the comparatively few people 
who lived in the District to carry the burden of 
capital making and maintenance, instead of sharing 
it with their fellow countrymen, who had the 
same interest and responsibility. The national 
government built its later buildings and made 
improvements around them, and it built the 
aqueduct, bringing water from Great Falls, 
primarily for its use. But beyond that, it did 
practically nothing. The District tax payers 
struggled heroically to meet their heavy obliga- 
tions, with that public spirit, which in time of war 
has always furnished more than the District's quota 
to the nation's service in the field. They went 
deeply in debt in the undertaking. 

Alexandria, in 1846, became weary of the 



exactions of residence in the National Capital and 
procured the retrocession of the Virginia side of 
the District. 

The long neglect of the District by the 
national government, after the latter began to 
receive considerable revenues, was apparently 
due to the uncertainty as to whether the move- 
ment to remove the National Capital nearer the 
heart of the great west might not succeed. It 
was certainly not until after that movement had 
been stopped forever by the Civil War, which 
made it impossible to change the seat of Govern- 
ment because of the sacrifices that had been made 
for it, that the long suspended plans of George 
Washington were put in execution. By that time 
the extension of the telegraph and the railroad 
had destroyed the argument that the tide water 
capital was too far from the center of the nation, 
and the National Capital had become known not 
only generally, to the whole country, but per- 
sonally to the hundreds of thousands of men who 
came at the call of war. It had become endeared 
to them and to those whom they represented; 
instead of proposing that it should be removed 
they wanted to see it improved. At the right 
moment the right man appeared, and Shepherd, 
backed by Grant, who had felt strongly the new 



interest in the old capital, and supporred by 
Congress, began the work of improvement in a 
large way, under Washington's plans. He literally 
drove the plough share of progress all over the 
City of Washington at once, and so made it 
absolutely necessary for his successors to carry on 
the work, as it has been done to this day. Even 
then, the national government made no contribu- 
tion to the expenditures. But it became apparent 
that it could not remain in that untenable position, 
and in 1878 it was ready to admit that it ought to 
share the expenses of its capital, at least on a 
half-and-half basis with the resident tax payers, 
although it would not do anything for the past, 
except to assume half of the debt for the improve- 
ments which it had authorized the Shepherd 
regime to make. Seventy-five million dollars, it 
was estimated, ought to have been spent by the 
national government on its National Capital up to 
that time. But the people of the District generally 
were very glad to have the national government 
take up a part of the burden for the future, and the 
arrangement, made in what was called "the 
compact of 1878," worked so well that it has 
greatly improved conditions here, although many 
look forward hopefully to the adoption at some 
time of Senator Hoar's plan. 



Congress, under the quaint phrase of the 
Constitution, exercises "exclusive legislation" 
over the District of Columbia. It could not, of 
course, exercise executive authority directly, and 
therefore from time to time, has authorized various 
forms of executive government in the District of 
Columbia. It provided none for the whole District 
until 1871, when it created the territorial form of 
government, with a governor, a legislature, a 
delegate in Congress. Prior to that time the City 
of Washington had its government, of a Mayor 
and councils, the City of Georgetown a similar 
government, (Alexandria having always had a like 
government of its own), while the rest of the 
District was under levy courts. A judiciary for the 
whole District of Columbia was set up by the act 
of 1 80 1, and the Metropolitan police department, 
to meet war exigencies, in 1861. Suffrage con- 
tinued from the beginning until 1874, when the re- 
action against the rough methods and great ex- 
pense of the Shepherd improvements, together 
with the change in the political complexion of the 
Congress brought about a new order of things. 
There was an inter-regnum during which Congress, 
with the assistance of three temporary Com- 
missioners, exercising executive authority over the 
District, prepared the act of June, 1878, (which the 



Supreme Court of the United States terms "the 
Constitution of the District of Columbia ") provid- 
ing its permanent form of Government by three 
Commissioners, two appointed by the President 
from residents of the District and a third an army 
engineer of high rank detailed for the purpose. It 
is a real government by public opinion, since there 
is no partisian politics, no " boss" or '' machine" 
to confuse or defeat the voice of the people. At 
the same time, Congress made the stipulation for 
a division of the expenses and abolished the 
suffrage, no longer desired by the property-holders 
generally, and which Congress thought incom- 
patiable with the new financial arrangement, since 
the United States could not submit to be taxed by 
voters in the District of Columbia. 

The National Capital has great distinction be- 
cause of the great men who have done great work 
in it; because it has been not only the official 
residence of Presidents, the place of meeting of the 
Congress and the Supreme Court, but the place 
where the ambassadors and ministers of foreign 
countries have performed their functions, because 
m.oreover, especially in recent years, important 
scientific and educational work has been done 
here. The men and women drawn here by the 
special labors of a National Capital, or by its in- 



creasing attractions, have made a peculiarly 
brilliant and interesting society in connection with 
the permanent residents, who have always been 
exceptionally intelligent and cultivated. Beautiful 
for situation, unsurpassed in its landscape and 
surroundings, and rich in classic structures, it has 
become increasingly beautiful in its edifices, 
avenues and parks. It is not strange that every 
year brings more visitors, more conventions, and 
more desirable accessions to its citizenship. 

From the windows of the Washington Monu- 
ment, five hundred feet above the ground, and 
almost in the center of the original District of 
Columbia, one can survey almost its entire extent 
without a glass. It is a small state, though not so 
small as Athens, or as Rome, in the day of its 
greatest power. It is smaller than any other 
political division of the United States, although it 
has more population than any one of six states — 
Delaware, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Utah and 
Nevada — and than any of the territories. It is not 
rich in money, as riches go today, for it is not 
commercial or manufacturing. But it is rich in 
memories and associations, in greatness, intellectual 
and spiritual, in outward beauty and inward grace, 
and in its assured future, with the certainty that 
it will grow in beauty and power with the growth 



of the great nation which it represents, until it 
becomes emphatically the capital of all capitals. 
The country has shown in unmistakable ways, 
especially since the celebration of the centennial 
of the District of Columbia in 1900, its desire to 
have its Capital advanced and embellished in every 
possible way, and those who for the time being 
represent the will of the people in the govern- 
ment of the National Capital are more and more 
endeavoring to meet that desire. 

HENRY B. F. MACFARLAND, 

Preside7it, Board of Commissio7icrs of 

the District of Columbia. 





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